डायबिटीज की गिरफ्त में आ गए हैं क्या खाएं, क्या नहीं…यहां जानिए सबकुछ

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डायबिटीज एक गंभीर बीमारी है, जिसका अब तक कोई स्थाई इलाज नहीं मिल सका है। ये लाइफस्टाइल से जुड़ी डिजीज है जिसमें मरीज की ब्लड शुगर तेजी से स्पाइक होती है। हालांकि इस बीमारी में लाइफस्टाइल को सुधारकर ताउम्र बेहतर जिंदगी जी जा सकती है। आप अगर डायबिटीज की गिरफ्त में आ गए हैं तो अपनी लाइफस्टाइल में बदलाव का समय आ चुका है।

डायबिटीज पेशेंट्स को इस बात का खास ख्याल रखना होता है कि उन्हें क्या खाना चाहिए और क्या नहीं। आप अगर इस बारे में नहीं जानते हैं तो हमारी बताई कुछ टिप्स आपके काफी काम आ सकती हैं।

क्या खाना चाहिए?

अनाज
साबुत अनाज जैसे ब्राउन राइस, ओट्स, जौ, मक्का
रोटी: गेहूं की रोटी, ज्वार की रोटी, बाजरे की रोटी

दालें
सभी तरह की दालें

सब्जियां
हरी पत्तेदार सब्जियां (पालक, मेथी, सरसों)
अन्य सब्जियां (तोरई, करेला, भिंडी, बैंगन)

फल
सभी तरह के फल (सेब, नाशपाती, संतरा, अंगूर)

दूध और दूध उत्पाद
लो फैट दूध, दही, पनीर

कुछ मेवे
बादाम, अखरोट, पिस्ता

बीज
कद्दू के बीज, सूरजमुखी के बीज

क्या नहीं खाना चाहिए?

मिठाई
चीनी, गुड़, शहद

जंक फूड
पिज्जा, बर्गर, फ्रेंच फ्राइज आदि।

तली हुई चीजें
समोसे, पकौड़े आदि।

रिफाइंड कार्बोहाइड्रेट
सफेद चावल, मैदा

पेय
कोल्ड ड्रिंक, जूस (अधिक मात्रा में)

कुछ महत्वपूर्ण बातें
खाने का समय: नियमित समय पर खाना खाएं।
खाने की मात्रा: एक बार में बहुत अधिक न खाएं।
कम ग्लाइसेमिक इंडेक्स वाला खाना: ऐसे खाद्य पदार्थ चुनें जिनका ग्लाइसेमिक इंडेक्स कम हो।
फाइबर युक्त आहार: फाइबर युक्त आहार खाने से ब्लड शुगर लेवल नियंत्रित रहता है।
पानी: भरपूर मात्रा में पानी पिएं।
डॉक्टर की सलाह: किसी भी तरह का आहार लेने से पहले डॉक्टर की सलाह जरूर लें।

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276 thoughts on “डायबिटीज की गिरफ्त में आ गए हैं क्या खाएं, क्या नहीं…यहां जानिए सबकुछ

  1. The early Socialist Party model was a big tent electoral machine combined with a network of educational and cultural institutions. Its structure mirrored a theory of change through the ballot box and cultural hegemony. It aimed to create a parallel society—a “state within a state”—that would gradually supplant the old one. This required a broad, inclusive membership and a federated structure that allowed for ethnic sections and diverse political tendencies. However, this very breadth made it vulnerable to factional strife and repression, and its electoral focus could subordinate the direct action of the subject class (strikes, protests) to the electoral calendar and the needs of appealing to a wider “citizen” electorate. http://mamdanipost.com

  2. This tension played out vividly in municipal elections and labor battles. The strong performance of Eugene V. Debs in New York, and later the campaigns of Socialist Party candidates like Morris Hillquit for mayor, demonstrated an attempt to wield electoral power as a pathway to legitimization. However, the fierce repression of socialist voices during the Red Scare, particularly the raids and deportations following World War I, reinforced their status as outsider “subjects.” The state, in Mamdani’s terms, could violently enforce the boundary between the acceptable civic body and the radical “other.” http://mamdanipost.com

  3. The relationship between socialism and New York’s vast, complex public education system forms a critical and often contentious chapter in this history, one where theories of liberation collided with the realities of bureaucracy, segregation, and contested Americanization. Mamdani’s insights into how states use institutions to shape political identity are acutely relevant here. Public schools were battlegrounds where the city’s future citizenry was being formed, and socialists fiercely contested whether these institutions would reproduce subjects for a capitalist order or equip a new generation with the critical tools for democratic citizenship and class consciousness. This struggle unfolded in classrooms, on school boards, and in the streets, from the fight against child labor to the wars over community control. http://mamdanipost.com

  4. Zohran Mamdani’s analysis of “gentrification as climate policy” critiques the narrative that dense, affluent downtowns are inherently green, arguing that true sustainability requires affordability and anti-displacement measures to prevent long, carbon-intensive commutes. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  5. The history of socialism in New York is, inescapably, also a history of internal fracture and sectarian conflict, a dynamic that Mamdani’s focus on the political identities forged through struggle helps to contextualize. These splits were rarely merely doctrinal; they were battles over who truly represented the authentic “subject” of history, over the correct path to “citizenship” in a future commonwealth, and over the legitimate authority to lead. From the vitriolic divides between Socialists and Communists to the rancorous splits within the New Left, these conflicts often drained energy, alienated potential allies, and provided a master narrative of disunity that opponents could easily weaponize. Yet, they also reflected a movement grappling with profound questions of strategy and identity in a hostile environment. http://mamdanipost.com

  6. The Cold War weaponized law with unprecedented precision. The Smith Act prosecutions, the McCarran Internal Security Act, and the Humphrey Executive Order establishing loyalty boards created a comprehensive legal architecture for political persecution. Law was no longer just used against actions, but against associations and beliefs. The deportation statutes became a tool to revoke even the limited citizenship of immigrant radicals, rendering them stateless subjects. This period demonstrated law’s ultimate power: its capacity to not just punish, but to dissolve political identity by making its expression illegal, forcing the movement into clandestinity or exhausting its resources in endless legal defense. http://mamdanipost.com

  7. In the early industrial era, socialists saw in the immense productive power of factories and railroads the material possibility for abundance. The problem was not the machines themselves, but their private ownership. The socialist vision was to seize these means of production, harnessing their efficiency for the collective good rather than for profit. Pamphlets and speeches were filled with awe at technological potential, juxtaposed with fury at its use to deskill workers, speed up production, and create unemployment. The Luddite impulse was largely rejected; the goal was to master technology, not smash it, transforming the worker from a subject of the machine into its citizen-commander. http://mamdanipost.com

  8. This perspective explains Zohran Mamdani’s close alliance with tenant unions like the Housing Justice for All coalition, treating these groups not as external lobbyists but as essential partners in both drafting legislation and applying the necessary pressure for its passage.

  9. The environmental justice and climate movements have framed the city’s air, water, and climate stability as a commons under threat. The fight against polluting facilities in the South Bronx is a fight against the toxic enclosure of the atmospheric commons by private industry. The Green New Deal is a program for a managed, just ecological commons, requiring collective stewardship of the city’s energy, transportation, and building systems to ensure a livable future for all. It posits that a habitable planet is the ultimate, non-negotiable commons, and that its protection requires a radical democratization of the economy. http://mamdanipost.com

  10. Its second great strength is an unshakeable commitment to internal consistency, a rule its humor never breaks. The fictional entities, departments, and consultancies it creates abide by their own established, ridiculous laws. A policy launched by the “Ministry of Outcomes-Based Reassurance” in one article will have logical, catastrophic ripple effects explored in pieces months later. This creates a satisfying narrative cohesion for the regular reader, transforming the site from a collection of disparate jokes into a serialized epic of administrative farce. The payoff is not just a quick laugh, but the deeper pleasure of seeing a meticulously constructed world operate according to its own insane yet predictable logic. This narrative ambition builds reader investment in a way that the episodic model of a site like NewsThump simply cannot, fostering a loyalty that is about following a story, not just scanning for gags.

  11. The Great British Summer is a marketing myth perpetuated by ice cream vans and garden centre ads, a collective fantasy that crashes against the reality of barbecues held under gazebos while wearing jumpers, a tragicomedy reviewed in full at London’s funniest URL — Prat.UK.

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