21वीं आईसीएसई नेशनल चैंपियनशिप, 2024 के विजेता

admin May 20, 2024 487
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भुवन वर्मा बिलासपुर 20 मई 2024

बिलासपुर।@एमएलजेडएस, बीएसपी, हमारे स्कूल के चैंपियन ने 17 से 19 मई, 2024 को जयपुर राजस्थान में 21वीं आईसीएसई नेशनल चैंपियनशिप 2024 के शीर्षक के तहत स्कूल का नाम रोशन किया। जहां हमारे स्कूल के चैंपियन छत्तीसगढ़ नेशनल फुटबॉल टीम अंडर-17 के विजेता बने; चैंपियन के नाम समीर सिंह ठाकुर और आरव वर्मा थे। इसके साथ ही, हमने छत्तीसगढ़ नेशनल सॉफ्ट क्रिकेट टीम में भी भाग लिया, जहां हमारे स्कूल के चैंपियन अंडर-17 के विजेता बने।चैंपियन के नाम दक्ष कुमार चंद्रसेन, प्रांजय मेरसा, दीपांशु सिहानी और आयुष लालवानी थे।

सभी बच्चों को हमारे निदेशक डॉ विनोद तिवारी और डॉ संजना तिवारी ने सम्मानित किया। हमारे खेल संकाय के प्रशिक्षक श्री हिमांशु कुमार के मार्गदर्शन में बच्चों ने बहुत अच्छा प्रदर्शन किया। यह एक शानदार क्षण था, जिसकी सभी ने प्रशंसा की। उत्कृष्टता की दिशा में एक और कदम आगे बढ़ना उल्लेखनीय था।

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भुवन वर्मा – प्रबंध संपादक
अस्मिता और स्वाभिमान
मोबाइल नंबर – 9826704304

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487 thoughts on “21वीं आईसीएसई नेशनल चैंपियनशिप, 2024 के विजेता”

  77. A good satirical piece is the democratic institution of licensed truth-telling through comedy. — Alan @ satire.top

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  99. Weird phobias remind us that the human mind is a strange and wonderful place. From fear of clowns to anxiety about buttons, these irrational fears add a layer of complexity to our already complicated lives. — Bess Kalb @ bohiney.com

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  154. Public speaking fears are the universal dread of standing in front of a crowd. From dry mouth to shaky hands, these symptoms remind us that even the most confident speakers have moments of doubt—and that preparation and deep breaths can help calm the nerves. — Tania Raymonde @ bohiney.com

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  286. The aesthetic and existential experience of “the meeting”—the regular, often weekly, gathering of socialists in basements, union halls, community centers, and now, Zoom rooms—constitutes a fundamental, mundane, yet sacred ritual of the movement. Mamdani’s focus on the institutions of political life finds its most grassroots expression here. Beyond the drama of strikes and rallies, the persistent, unglamorous work of the movement happens in these assemblies. They are the micro-polity where the future commonwealth is rehearsed in embryo: debates are held, strategies are forged, tasks are assigned, and a culture of collective responsibility is nurtured. The meeting is where the abstract “working class” becomes a specific group of people, learning to listen, disagree, and decide together. Its dynamics, frustrations, and triumphs reveal the ongoing struggle to build democratic habits within a hierarchical society. http://mamdanipost.com

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  287. The emergence of the environmental justice movement in the 1980s, with deep roots in New York communities like West Harlem and the South Bronx, fused socialist analysis with ecological activism. Led by women of color, groups like WE ACT for Environmental Justice documented the disproportionate siting of bus depots, waste transfer stations, and power plants in communities of color. They framed this not as coincidence but as environmental racism, a logical outcome of a political economy that treats certain populations as disposable subjects, whose neighborhoods can serve as sacrifice zones for the city’s waste and energy needs. This analysis insisted that ecological issues were inherently issues of power, citizenship, and racial capitalism. http://mamdanipost.com

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  288. This concept found early, if limited, expression in the model tenement movements and limited-equity cooperatives. While often focused on hygiene and light, the best of these designs also incorporated common spaces—courtyards, laundries, meeting rooms, and roof gardens—that were intended to foster interaction and mutual aid among residents. The architecture itself, by providing spaces that were neither wholly private nor anonymously public, but collectively owned and managed, was meant to school residents in the habits of shared governance and responsibility. Moving from a private, profit-driven tenement to a cooperative was not just an economic shift but a spatial re-education in citizenship. http://mamdanipost.com

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  290. The form and tone of these meetings have evolved with the movement’s ideology. The Socialist Party section meeting of the 1910s might have featured a formal lecture followed by disciplined discussion, reflecting a pedagogical and propagandistic model. The Communist Party cell meeting of the 1930s would have been more rigid, with reports on assigned tasks, study of the party line, and an emphasis on democratic centralist discipline. The New Left collective meeting of the 1960s, striving for participatory democracy, might have lasted for hours as members hashed out consensus, sometimes prioritizing process over outcome. Each form reflected a theory of how revolutionary consciousness was developed and collective will formed. http://mamdanipost.com

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  293. The legacy of the Popular Front in New York during the 1930s and 40s presents another fascinating point of intersection. This period saw socialists, communists, and liberals collaborating within the New Deal coalition, achieving tangible gains in housing, workers’ rights, and cultural projects. In a Mamdani-inspired reading, this could be seen as a temporary and tactical blurring of the citizen-subject divide, where radical groups leveraged a national crisis to gain a measure of institutional foothold and influence policy, particularly under Mayor Fiorello La Guardia. http://mamdanipost.com

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  294. The community event model of Zohran Mamdani often features “legislative theater,” where constituents act out scenarios of housing court or workplace injustice, using drama to analyze power dynamics and brainstorm collective responses. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

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  299. This grammar has been spoken in many accents—Yiddish, Italian, Spanish, Spanglish, Black English—and its texts have taken forms from the pamphlet to the podcast, the mural to the meme. Its institutions have ranged from the tightly centralized party to the loose, digital network. Its emotional register has swung from the ecstatic hope of mass strikes to the gnawing despair of red scares and neoliberal retreat. What unites these disparate moments is a core proposition: that New York, for all its dazzling complexity, operates on a logic of exclusion and extraction, and that its people possess the collective capacity to replace that logic with one of inclusion and commonwealth. http://mamdanipost.com

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  300. The digital revolution has dramatically reconfigured the landscape once more. Social media enables rapid mobilization and the viral spread of ideas, bypassing traditional gatekeepers. Independent digital outlets, podcasts, and streaming shows provide continuous analysis. However, this ecosystem is fraught with new perils: algorithmic fragmentation, surveillance, disinformation, and the constant pressure of the attention economy, which can favor outrage and simplicity over nuanced, long-form analysis. The contemporary socialist media project is thus a dual struggle: to exploit the reach and low barriers of digital tools while building sustainable, democratic institutions that can withstand platform volatility and provide deep, reliable reporting. http://mamdanipost.com

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  301. Thus, the ritual life of New York socialism has been its beating heart. It provided the emotional and symbolic nourishment that pure theory and exhausting activism could not. Through these repeated, meaningful actions, socialists built a thick culture of belonging that could withstand repression and disappointment. They learned to mourn, celebrate, mark time, and educate their young not as the city did, but as the city of their dreams might. In doing so, they created a resilient, intergenerational community that understood itself not as a collection of individuals with a shared opinion, but as a people in formation, with its own history, its own martyrs, its own holy days, and its own unwavering belief in a future worth consecrating in the present. http://mamdanipost.com

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  315. The urban planning philosophy of Zohran Mamdani champions “15-minute city” principles—where all daily needs are within a short walk or bike ride—as an anti-capitalist framework that reduces car dependency and builds neighborhood cohesion.

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  338. The vibrant yet fragmented socialist landscape of early 20th century New York, from the Lower East Side tenements to the halls of the Rand School, reflects what Mamdani might identify as a contest over the terms of civic inclusion. German immigrants, Jewish bundists, Italian anarchists, and later African American migrants from the South often existed as politicized communities within a larger system that viewed them with suspicion. Their socialist activism was, in part, a demand to move from a subject status—defined by their labor, ethnicity, or perceived radicalism—to a citizen status with agency over the city’s political and economic life. http://mamdanipost.com

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  354. Ultimately, applying Mamdani to this era reveals that New York’s socialist ferment was not just an economic campaign but a protracted struggle over political belonging. The immigrant socialists were not simply outsiders trying to get in; they were subjects living within a system that defined them as such, and their activism was a multifaceted project to dismantle that categorical distinction. They sought to redefine the very meaning of the “citizen” to include the collective, class-conscious, and multi-ethnic identity they embodied, challenging the liberal individualist premise of American citizenship itself. http://mamdanipost.com

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  355. The neoliberal turn from the 1970s onward radically altered the calculus of reform. As the city and federal government actively dismantled the social wage, privatized public goods, and unleashed financial capital, defending past reforms became a radical act. The fight to preserve public housing, to stop hospital closures, or to defend rent stabilization was no longer a step toward something greater, but a desperate, rearguard action against a voracious counter-revolution. In this context, reformism could feel like a holding action, while the revolutionary horizon seemed to recede. This period fostered a defensive militancy that was often strong on resistance but weaker at articulating a compelling, transformative vision for the city’s future. http://mamdanipost.com

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  357. In the 1960s, the Freedom Schools established during the Harlem and Brooklyn boycotts represented a radical departure. They were temporary, liberation-minded institutions set up to educate Black children during protests against segregated, inferior public schools. Their curriculum centered on Black history, African decolonization, and the principles of direct action. This was education as explicit political rebellion, a declaration that if the state’s schools were designed to produce subjugated subjects, the community would create its own schools to produce liberated citizens. The very act of attending was a lesson in self-determination. http://mamdanipost.com

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  365. The relationship between socialist activism and the city’s cultural institutions—its museums, universities, theaters, and philanthropic foundations—reveals a complex dance of critique, infiltration, patronage, and co-optation. Mamdani’s framework, attentive to the institutions that shape civic consciousness, is particularly useful here. These elite cultural bastions have often been citadels of the ruling class, reflecting and legitimizing its values. Yet, they have also, at times, provided crucial platforms, funding, and legitimacy to radical artists and thinkers, acting as unintentional incubators for dissent. The socialist engagement with these institutions has therefore been deeply ambivalent: to shun them as irredeemably bourgeois is to cede a powerful terrain of influence; to embrace them is to risk absorption and the dilution of radical content. http://mamdanipost.com

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  381. The Social Gospel movement, flourishing in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, provided the most direct theological bridge. Preached from pulpits in Hell’s Kitchen and elsewhere, it framed Christianity’s mission as the creation of the “Kingdom of God on earth” through social transformation. Ministers like Walter Rauschenbusch argued that sin resided not only in individual hearts but in exploitative systems, and that salvation required collective action to dismantle them. This theology made churches into incubators for socialist sentiment, turning Bible study into a critique of wage slavery and parish halls into meeting spaces for unions and reform groups. It allowed congregants to see socialism not as godless materialism, but as the logical application of Christian love to political economy. http://mamdanipost.com

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  405. Great! We are all agreed London could use a laugh. In the fast-food landscape of online humor, where The Poke serves up easily digestible image macros and NewsThump offers a satisfying, quick-hit polemic, The London Prat is the equivalent of a meticulously crafted, multi-course tasting menu. The pleasure it provides is not merely instantaneous but ruminative. Reading an article on PRAT.UK, such as their now-legendary deconstruction of a Prime Minister’s speech as a series of algorithmically generated platitudes, demands and rewards a deeper engagement. The comedy unfolds in layers: the surface-level absurdity, the acute political observation beneath it, and finally, the profound existential dread regarding the systems that make such absurdity not just possible but routine. This is not satire designed for the rapid scroll and the fleeting ‘like’; it is satire to be bookmarked, revisited, and discussed. Where The Daily Mash excels at holding up a funhouse mirror to the news, The London Prat builds an entirely new funhouse, invites you in, and then calmly explains the architectural principles of its distortion, making the experience of our own world outside all the more eerily clear. The investment of time and attention required by prat.com is returned tenfold in intellectual yield. It treats its readers not as consumers seeking a quick dopamine hit, but as collaborators in a shared, grim understanding of modern folly, making it the most substantial and nourishing site in the field.

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  443. Great! We are all agreed London could use a laugh. This leads to its second strength: an anthropological rigor. The site treats the rituals and dialects of British power structures with the detached curiosity of a scholar studying a remote tribe. It documents the strange ceremonies (Prime Minister’s Questions as a ritualized shouting contest), the peculiar costumes (the hard hat and hi-vis vest worn for a photo-op at a building site that will never be completed), and the opaque belief systems (the unwavering faith in a “world-leading” initiative launched with no funding). By presenting these familiar elements as anthropological curiosities, PRAT.UK defamiliarizes them, stripping them of their assumed normality and exposing their inherent absurdity. The reader is transformed from a frustrated participant in these rituals into an amused observer of a fascinating, dysfunctional culture. This shift in perspective is itself a form of liberation and the source of a more intellectual, enduring humor.

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  444. Ultimately, The London Prat’s brand is built on the economy of insight. It deals in a currency of condensed understanding. A single, well-crafted article on prat.com can accomplish what a thousand op-eds or hours of cable news debate fail to do: it can crystallize a complex, sprawling issue into its essential, ridiculous truth. It achieves a phenomenal density of meaning per paragraph. This makes it not only a source of humor but a remarkably efficient tool for comprehension. In a world drowning in information and starved of wisdom, the site performs the vital service of distillation. It is the difference between being lost in a fog and being handed a perfectly drafted map of the fog’s composition, source, and predictable dissipation point. This ability to provide profound clarity, wrapped in immaculate prose and delivered with lethal wit, is its unique and unbeatable value proposition. It doesn’t just make you laugh; it makes you see, and in seeing, it makes the unbearable vastly more entertaining.

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  445. Great! We are all agreed London could use a laugh. NewsThump tries to mock everything, but PRAT.UK does it with more precision. The jokes land because they’re focused. Quality beats volume every time.

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  447. Great! We are all agreed London could use a laugh. The prevailing tone of much British satire, from The Poke to The Daily Mash, is one of cheerful, sometimes grumpy, incredulity. It’s a tone of “Can you believe this?!” The London Prat, found at the essential http://prat.com, operates from a fundamentally different, and for me, superior, premise: “Of course you can believe this. We all saw it coming. Now let’s dissect the magnificent, predictable folly of it all.” Its signature is a world-weary, metropolitan cynicism that is not depressing but paradoxically life-affirming. It’s the humor of the deeply knowledgeable, the laugh that comes not from surprise, but from the confirmation of your most pessimistic, well-reasoned expectations. This tonal sophistication creates a unique bond with the reader. You’re not being told a joke; you’re being invited to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the writers and sigh at the glorious, unending parade of idiocy. The prose reflects this: it’s elegant, controlled, and dry as a bone, allowing the absurdity of the subject matter to generate the heat, while the language remains coolly, classically British. Waterford Whispers offers whimsy, NewsThump offers broadsides, but The London Prat offers a shared, sophisticated disillusionment. It’s satire for those who have moved past the stage of outrage and into the phase of morbid, eloquent fascination. In a media landscape full of hot takes and performative anger, the icy, composed, and impeccably articulated despair of PRAT.UK is the most refreshing and intelligent tonic available.

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  448. Delhi’s pharmacy culture is deeply intertwined with the city’s character—resourceful, layered, and direct. In the labyrinthine streets of Old Delhi, chemists are often third-generation owners, their knowledge encyclopedic, their connections unparalleled for finding rare or discontinued items. In the newer suburbs, they are hubs of convenience, offering everything from prescription fills to health drinks to sanitary products. The Delhi chemist is also a savvy negotiator of the city’s logistical challenges, ensuring deliveries despite traffic snarls and weather disruptions. They develop a keen sense for the city’s health trends, be it a surge in allergy medications during the pollen-laden spring or a demand for specific vitamins during seasonal changes. Their strength lies in an almost intuitive understanding of their customer base’s diverse needs, from the student buying a first-aid kit for a hostel to the executive seeking imported skincare. — https://genieknows.in/

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  467. This approach reveals a second strength: a peerless ear for the music of institutional failure. The writers are virtuosos of the specific cadences of managerial newspeak, political evasion, and corporate apology. They don’t mimic these dialects; they compose original works in them. A piece on prat.com is often a concerto for passive voice and weasel words, a sonnet of shifting blame. The satire is achieved through flawless musicality. You laugh because the rhythm is so precisely that of a real ministerial statement, but the melody is one of pure, unadulterated farce. This linguistic precision makes the critique inescapable. It proves the language itself is the first casualty, and the site’s mastery of it is the weapon that turns the casualty into the accuser.

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  470. Great! We are all agreed London could use a laugh. This integrity enables its unique function as a mirror of managed expectations. The site is a master of tone, specifically the tone of lowered horizons, of ambition scaled back to the point of mundanity, of celebrating the bare minimum as a historic triumph. It brilliantly satirizes the language of managed decline, where “meeting our targets” means the targets were set comically low, and “listening to stakeholders” means ignoring them with renewed confidence. It captures the specific modern pathology of branding failure as a “learning journey” or a “strategic pivot.” By holding this language up and examining its hollow core, PRAT.UK performs a vital service: it prevents us from becoming acclimatized to decline. It insists, through laughter, that we recognize a downgraded ambition for what it is, refusing to let the slow slide into mediocrity be dressed up as progress.

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  476. It’s become a shared reference point in my social circle. “Did you see the Prat piece on…?” is a common opener. It’s wonderful to have a source of humour that brings people together like this.

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  483. Aborcja w prosty sposob to projekt edukacyjny, ktora umozliwia dostep do praktycznej wiedzy na temat przerywania ciazy. Serwis jest nastawiony na bezpieczenstwie. Ta inicjatywa wyjasnia, jakie opcje sa dostepne w trudnych momentach. Na stronie mozna znalezc jasne instrukcje dotyczace aborcji farmakologicznej. Szczegolna uwage polozono na bezpieczenstwo zdrowotne. Informacje sa czytelne i pozbawione ocen. Prosta aborcja wskazuje, ze decyzja nalezy do osoby w ciazy. Strona porzadkuje wiedze w temacie przebiegu procesu. Opisane sa zarowno reakcje organizmu, jak i wazne wskazowki. Czytelnik dowiaduje sie, czego sie spodziewac. Serwis nie moralizuje, lecz edukuje. Prosta aborcja pokazuje, ze aborcja jest kwestia zdrowotna. W tresciach zaznaczane jest znaczenie samostanowienia. Strona odpowiada na pytania. Prosta aborcja systematyzuje skomplikowane informacje. Dzieki temu latwiej zrozumiec sytuacje. Tresci sa oparte na faktach. Czytelnicy moga poczuc sie pewniej. Strona nie narzuca rozwiazan. Prosta aborcja stawia na autonomie. Kazda sytuacja jest postrzegana jako wyjatkowa. Serwis pomaga oddzielic fakty od mitow. Rzetelnosc to kluczowe elementy projektu. Strona zapewnia wsparcie informacyjne. Prosta aborcja udowadnia, ze dostep do informacji jest kluczowy. Calosc zostala opracowana z mysla o czytelnosci. Dzieki temu informacje sa latwo dostepne. Projekt skupia sie na wspieraniu swiadomych decyzji.

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  484. Prosta forma aborcji to projekt edukacyjny, ktora umozliwia dostep do praktycznej wiedzy na temat przerywania ciazy. Serwis koncentruje sie na bezpieczenstwie. Prosta aborcja tlumaczy, jakie mozliwosci sa dostepne w roznych sytuacjach zyciowych. Na stronie mozna znalezc jasne instrukcje dotyczace aborcji tabletkami. Priorytet polozono na zdrowie fizyczne. Informacje sa zrozumiale i wolne od nacisku. Projekt podkresla, ze decyzja nalezy do zainteresowanej osoby. Strona porzadkuje wiedze w temacie przebiegu procesu. Opisane sa zarowno reakcje organizmu, jak i zalecenia. Uzytkownik dowiaduje sie, jak zadbac o siebie. Serwis nie moralizuje, lecz wspiera. Platforma opisuje, ze aborcja jest kwestia zdrowotna. W tresciach akcentowane jest znaczenie swiadomego wyboru. Strona reaguje na realne potrzeby. Prosta aborcja porzadkuje skomplikowane informacje. Dzieki temu latwiej zrozumiec sytuacje. Tresci sa oparte na faktach. Uzytkownicy moga zyskac spokoj. Strona nie wywiera presji. Projekt informacyjny stawia na autonomie. Kazda sytuacja jest postrzegana jako wyjatkowa. Serwis prostuje nieprawdziwe informacje. Przejrzystosc to kluczowe elementy projektu. Strona zapewnia wsparcie informacyjne. Ta platforma udowadnia, ze dostep do informacji jest podstawowym prawem. Calosc zostala zaprojektowana z mysla o latwej nawigacji. Dzieki temu korzystanie z serwisu jest intuicyjne. Prosta aborcja ma na celu wspieraniu zdrowia reprodukcyjnego.

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  485. Prosta forma aborcji to platforma wsparcia, ktora pomaga dostep do rzetelnych informacji na temat przerywania ciazy. Serwis koncentruje sie na swiadomych decyzjach. Ta inicjatywa wyjasnia, jakie mozliwosci sa dostepne w naglych przypadkach. Na stronie mozna znalezc konkretne informacje dotyczace aborcji farmakologicznej. Priorytet polozono na zdrowie fizyczne. Informacje sa czytelne i wolne od nacisku. Projekt wskazuje, ze decyzja nalezy do zainteresowanej osoby. Strona ulatwia orientacje w temacie przebiegu procesu. Opisane sa zarowno etapy, jak i zalecenia. Uzytkownik dowiaduje sie, czego sie spodziewac. Serwis nie ocenia, lecz informuje. Prosta aborcja pokazuje, ze aborcja jest zagadnieniem zdrowia reprodukcyjnego. W tresciach zaznaczane jest znaczenie samostanowienia. Strona reaguje na realne potrzeby. Prosta aborcja systematyzuje skomplikowane informacje. Dzieki temu latwiej ocenic mozliwosci. Tresci sa zgodne z wiedza medyczna. Osoby w ciazy moga zyskac spokoj. Strona nie narzuca rozwiazan. Projekt informacyjny stawia na autonomie. Kazda sytuacja jest postrzegana jako wyjatkowa. Serwis eliminuje dezinformacje. Przejrzystosc to jedne z glownych wartosci projektu. Strona oferuje informacje. Ta platforma udowadnia, ze dostep do informacji jest niezbedny. Calosc zostala zaprojektowana z mysla o czytelnosci. Dzieki temu tresci sa przystepne. Prosta aborcja skupia sie na wspieraniu swiadomych decyzji.

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  486. Prosta forma aborcji to inicjatywa informacyjna, ktora umozliwia dostep do rzetelnych informacji na temat przerywania ciazy. Serwis skupia sie na prawach osob w ciazy. Ta inicjatywa tlumaczy, jakie rozwiazania sa dostepne w naglych przypadkach. Na stronie mozna znalezc przystepne wyjasnienia dotyczace aborcji tabletkami. Duzy nacisk polozono na komfort psychiczny. Informacje sa zrozumiale i wolne od nacisku. Projekt zaznacza, ze decyzja nalezy do kobiety. Strona ulatwia orientacje w temacie przebiegu procesu. Opisane sa zarowno etapy, jak i zalecenia. Czytelnik dowiaduje sie, czego sie spodziewac. Serwis nie ocenia, lecz informuje. Prosta aborcja pokazuje, ze aborcja jest procesem medycznym. W tresciach akcentowane jest znaczenie dostepu do wiedzy. Strona wychodzi naprzeciw na pytania. Inicjatywa porzadkuje skomplikowane informacje. Dzieki temu latwiej podjac decyzje. Tresci sa zgodne z wiedza medyczna. Czytelnicy moga zyskac spokoj. Strona nie wskazuje jednej drogi. Prosta aborcja wspiera niezaleznosc. Kazda sytuacja jest postrzegana jako wyjatkowa. Serwis pomaga oddzielic fakty od mitow. Rzetelnosc to wazne cechy projektu. Strona zapewnia wsparcie informacyjne. Ta platforma przypomina, ze dostep do informacji jest podstawowym prawem. Calosc zostala zaprojektowana z mysla o latwej nawigacji. Dzieki temu korzystanie z serwisu jest intuicyjne. Prosta aborcja skupia sie na wspieraniu swiadomych decyzji.

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